Heterotopia as a Space of Femini

labrys, études féministes/ estudos feministas
janvier / juin 2015 -janeiro/juin 2015

Heterotopia as a Space of Feminist Resistance

Margaret A. McLaren

Abstract. Foucault’s earlier work on discipline, biopower, and governmentality provides rich conceptual tools for analyzing the ways that women are exploited and oppressed through reproductive policies that reinforce inequalities of race and class, as well as gender. My paper examines feminist resistance to these practices and policies as a form of heterotopia, creating an “other space” that disrupts the hegemonic status quo and allows for alternatives. Feminist resistance to prescriptive bodily policies and practices creates heterotopic spaces in which new possibilities can arise.

Key-Words: Fooucault, heterotopia, feminism, resistance

In order to truly appreciate the ways in which Foucault’s heterotopia can offer new possibilities for re-imagining women’s bodies and subjectivities, we must first understand how women’s bodies are constructed and constrained in “normal space.” Foucauldian feminists such as Sandra Lee Bartky, Susan Bordo, Jana Sawicki, and Judith Butler illustrate the ways that disciplines and practices construct feminine subjectivity at the individual level through gender performance, bodily comportment, make-up, cosmetic surgery, and dietary regimes. Their analyses draw primarily upon Foucault’s ideas about discipline and power to demonstrate that gender is constructed and maintained at both the individual and social level through a network of practices. This early Foucauldian feminist work demonstrated the fruitfulness of using Foucault’s “toolbox” to examine gender issues, and paved the way for a range of subsequent feminist analyses. For instance, in my earlier work I argue that Foucault’s work provides significant conceptual tools for re-thinking subjectivity as embodied and situated, yet capable of engaging in resistance and practices of freedom. In more recent work, I employ Foucault’s ideas of biopolitics and govermentality to analyze the ways that transnational policies shape and constrain possibilities for women. In a globalized world, people, capital, images, ideologies, technologies, and labor all flow over nation-state borders. Among these many flows, I examine two related axes: production and reproduction. As we shall see, many work places in the globalized economy use reproductive policies as gatekeeping criteria for employment, and some are even tied to migration. Moreover, reproductive policies enforce racial, ethnic, and class discrimination and oppression. Using Foucault’s concept of heterotopia, I discuss feminist resistance as a heterotopia, arguing that the “other place” created by feminist resistance provides fertile soil for engaging in practices of freedom and re-imagining female subjectivity.

Bio-power and Governmentality

While the concept of discipline addresses the way that power operates upon individual bodies, the idea of biopower concerns the way that power functions through the social body. Biopower involves the control of populations with the aim of regulating birth, death, reproduction, health, life expectancy, and migration (Foucault, 1980, pp. 139-140). Bio-power and bio-politics operate at the state level and must be seen in the context of the management of state and local forces. According to Foucault, biopolitics “aims to treat the ‘population’ as a set of coexisting living beings with particular biological and pathological features, and which as such falls under specific forms of knowledge and technique” (Foucault, 2007, p. 367). The knowledges and techniques of biopolitics serve the interests of capitalism. Foucault claims: “This biopower was without question an indispensable element in the development of capitalism; the latter would not have been possible without the controlled insertion of bodies into the machinery of production and the adjustment of the population to economic processes” (Foucault, 1980, p. 141). Biopower--the control of life through policies, practices, and regulations--arises within the context of the increase in knowledges and administration. It clearly articulates a connection between the micro-physics of power (bodies, identities) and macro-power (populations/identity categories). Although Foucault explicitly states that biopolitics is a strategy at the state level, in the context of globalization it is also used at the transnational level, and operates through a variety of institutions: economics, laws, policies, and social norms.

Like the concept of biopolitics, Foucault’s work on governmentality links the idea of state power to individuals; the state operates upon individuals through tactics and strategies. However, Foucault’s idea of governmentality is not the same as government or state. Governmentality on Foucault’s account does not replace a sovereign state or a disciplinary society but exists in tandem with them. He describes the relationship among sovereignty, discipline, and government as a triangle that works through apparatuses of security and whose primary target is the population (Foucault, 1991, p. 102). Governmentality includes a range of strategies and tactics used to achieve certain ends, such as population control or public health. This may include laws, policies, institutions, programs, or the circulation of specific information.

Foucault’s idea of governmentality is particularly useful for transnational analyses in light of globalization and the changing role of the State. It encompasses a broader notion of government than politics or the State; it includes government, population, and political economy. Hence governmentality is a form of power that exceeds state boundaries, and is not primarily legislative or judicial. It is a form of power that precedes the formation of the State (Foucault, 2007, p. 109). As a form of power not confined to State territory or limited by exercising forms of State power, governmentality proves useful in discussing the ways power operates both within and across state boundaries.

As we shall see, Foucault’s concepts of governmentality, biopower, and biopolitics are useful in analyzing the ways that transnational policies may be targeted toward women because the relationship between populations, government, and political economy transcends national borders and state regulation.

On February 1, 1978 during his “Security, Population, Territory” lecture course at the College de France Foucault questions the importance of the State: “But the state, doubtless no more today than in the past, does not have this unity, this individuality, and rigorous functionality, nor, I would go so far as to say, this importance. After all, maybe the state is only a composite reality and a mythicized abstraction whose importance is much less than we think” (Foucault, 2007, p. 109). Foucault’s words certainly ring true today; multinational corporate interests and international regulatory bodies, such as the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, dictate economic policy. Globalization affects all aspects of contemporary society, from food production to foreign debt.

Gendered Labor and globalization

But globalization is not a gender-neutral phenomenon; it serves both to re-create and re-shape traditional gender roles. Not surprisingly, since women are placed differently in particular cultures and societies than men, globalization has a differential effect on women. With the rise of multinational corporations and the switch to ‘light industries’ of clothing and electronics manufacture as opposed to the ‘heavy industries’ of construction and mining, women became the preferred employee. Multinational corporations prefer to employ women for a variety of reasons. Seen as supplementary workers rather than the main wage earner, they are paid less than men. Women are also viewed as more “docile” and better suited to tedious repetitive tasks. “Multinationals want a workforce that is docile, easily manipulated and willing to do boring, repetitive assembly work. Women, they claim, are the perfect employees, with their ‘natural patience’ and ‘manual dexterity’” (Fuentes & Ehrenreich, 1983, p. 12). Sometimes States collude with corporations, trading on the same gender stereotypes. For example, the Malaysian government published an investment brochure boasting that:

“The manual dexterity of the oriental female is famous the world over. Her hands are small and she works with extreme care… Who, therefore, could be better qualified by nature and inheritance to contribute to the efficiency of a bench-assembly production line than the oriental girl” (Kabeer, 2000)?

Women are presumably sought after for their “natural feminine” qualities of patience and small hands with nimble fingers. But in actuality employers target women as employees because they can be paid less than men, and are less likely to strike or organize unions. As evidenced by the Malaysian government brochure it is the State as well as employers that reinforce this ideology of the natural feminine abilities of young women as workers. This ideology serves the interests of global capitalism and goes well beyond the State. The ‘nimble fingers’ discourse is used to justify the hiring of women in Mexican maquiladoras, Malaysian assembly lines, the Columbian flower industry, and as we shall see, in Spanish strawberry fields.

In addition to using the stereotypes and discourse of femininity to justify preferential hiring of women to low paid, exploitative factory work, multinational corporations seek to regulate women’s reproduction as well. Most multinational employers prefer not just any women, but young, single women without children. In fact, some companies give pregnancy tests to potential employees, prefer to hire women who have been sterilized or even offer prizes to women employees who undergo sterilization (Fuentes & Ehrenriech, 1983). This regulation of reproduction through workplace practices and policies can be understood as an instance of Foucault’s biopower, specifically with regard to his claim that “[...]biopower was …an indispensable element in the development of capitalism.” Moreover, he claims that capitalism would not have been possible without “the controlled insertion of bodies into the machinery of production and the adjustment of the population to economic processes” (Foucault, 1980: 141).

In contrast to the preference for young, single women to work in the factories in the FTZs (Free Trade Zones) and the EPZs (Export Processing Zones), strawberry farmers in Spain prefer to hire married Moroccan women with young children to perform the seasonal agricultural work. Antonio Martin Gonzalez, a strawberry farmer in Cartaya, Spain says: “We don’t take women without children because we run the risk they’ll run away, that they will remain in Spain and not return to Morocco” (der Spiegel, 5/11/07). Far from being the exploitative policy of a single individual or business, the idea of “circular migration,” temporary legal migration for seasonal workers, is supported by both the Spanish and Moroccan governments. Workers are recruited in Morocco and given temporary 3-9 month legal contracts to work in Spain. Some in the European Union see circular migration as a solution to the need for cheap labor and a way to control illegal immigration (der Spiegel, 5/11/07). Indeed, the circular migration program between Morocco and Spain was supported with 1.2 million Euros in funding from the European Union (OSCE, 2009, p. 53).

Interestingly, the same nimble fingers discourse that justifies young, single, Mexican women working in maquiladoras, is used to justify the choice of married Moroccan mothers as strawberry pickers. As the mayor of Cartaya told the Moroccan press, “Experience has shown that Moroccan women are sensitive and hard-working and with their slender hands that is something the strawberries really appreciate” (quoted in Zeneidi, 2011, p. 5). While it is not clear the strawberries appreciate the slender hands of the Moroccan women, it is clear that the discourse of femininity that characterizes women as well-suited to repetitive tasks that require manual dexterity as well as characterizing them as docile is a discourse with global circulation. The discourse of women as easy to control, and better at tasks requiring a “delicate touch” circulates transnationally in various contexts and in different working situations (agriculture, textiles, electronics manufacturing).

The discourse of “women as reproductive beings” also has global currency. As noted above, employers most often prefer childless women, except in the case of the female Moroccan migrant strawberry pickers. Regardless of whether employers only hire single, childless women, or married women with children, the effect of the policy is similar; the employer is dictating women’s reproductive choices. Moreover, employer control is not limited to women’s current situation, but encompasses the duration of their employment. Employers often impose policies and regulations on female workers regarding their reproductive choices while employed. Although motherhood is an explicit criterion for selection of the Moroccan women workers, pregnancy or birth during the time that they are working in Spain is prohibited, and results in immediate dismissal from the job (Zeneidi, 2011). In 2008, twenty-five Moroccan women were sent back to Morocco after giving birth in Huelva, Spain (Thomas, 2009). Here we can see how their status as mothers functions in a complex and ambivalent way: it both qualifies them for work (albeit exploited labor) if they already have children, and disqualifies them from work if they have children while employed. In this way reproductive capacity is controlled through the distribution of opportunities, policies, and expectations. Women’s individual bodies are controlled through the social and economic policies and interstate agreements. This illustrates how the aims of biopolitics, such as population control, and creating a docile workforce, are realized through the exertion of micro-power on women’s bodies.

So far we have seen how economic changes due to globalization, state policies, and interstate agreements, regional alliances, and gender ideology about femininity (women’s work) and motherhood all contribute to shaping the opportunities available to poor, rural Moroccan women. Both literally and metaphorically, their subjectivity is formed through a politics of location: as women, as mothers, as rural, as poor, as Moroccan, and as (temporary) immigrants.

Heterotopia as Feminist Resistance

In the next section I discuss heterotopias as a space of feminist resistance. Using Foucault’s own examples of menstruating women, brothels, and Turkish baths, I show that although these “other spaces” originally functioned as gender segregated spaces perpetuating women’s exclusion from public space the bonds of solidarity formed in these heterotopias allowed them to challenge and often transform prevailing relationships of gender domination. Moreover, I argue these spaces of feminist resistance can be thought of as an instance of Foucault’s idea of heterotopia. My final example of heterotopia as feminist resistance challenges the reproductive policies imposed on Moroccan women. While Foucault’s concepts of biopower and governmentality help to illuminate restrictions women face, his idea of heterotopia reminds us that “other spaces” exist. It is within these other spaces that we can transform the power relations that maintain the status quo in normal space.

Foucault discussed heterotopia in three places: in the Preface to The Order of Things, on a radio broadcast that was part of a series on utopian literature, and in a Paris lecture to a group of architects. All of these events took place between 1966-67, although the lecture to the Paris architects was published much later, in 1984. Foucault claims that heterotopias exist in every society, although not in the same form. He contrasts them to utopias because utopias “have no real place,” that is, they are not localizable, and second, utopias emerge in a “fantastic, untroubled region” where they exemplify order, whereas heterotopias challenge existing orders, even at the level of language itself:

“ heterotopias…desiccate speech, stop words in their tracks, contest the very possibility of grammar at its source; they dissolve our myths and sterilize the lyricism of our sentences.” ( Foucault, 1984, 178; Foucault, 1970, xviii ).

Although Foucault’s writing about heterotopia is limited, interpretations of heterotopia vary. Does this concept refer to geo-space? Is it discursive or imaginative? In The Order of Things, Foucault emphasizes the discursive aspect, whereas in the essay, “Of Other Spaces” he discusses the geo-spatial and temporal aspects. In my view, heterotopia may include all three aspects—geo-space, discursive, and imaginative-- and they are interrelated. Heterotopic spaces (as real geo-space) exist outside of “normal space” and offer an alternative (discursive) framework in which to engage in practices of freedom not possible in normal space, thus providing a open space in which to re-configure and re-imagine subjectivity (imaginative).

Foucault distinguishes two types of heterotopias, crisis heterotopias and heterotopias of deviation, saying that the latter have replaced the former. Crisis heterotopias “are privileged or sacred or forbidden places reserved for individuals who are in a state of crisis with respect to society and the human milieu in which they live.” (Foucault, 1984) His list of these includes: adolescents, menstruating women, women in labor, and old people. Notably, women are included twice with respect to their reproductive capacity, something perceived as “other” and requiring control as well as exclusion from society.

Describing heterotopias, Foucault attributes 6 principles to them: they exist in every society, but in diverse forms; each heterotopia has a specific operation within its society, although this may change over time; heterotopias can bring together disparate elements within a single space; heterotopias are connected with temporal discontinuities, or heterochronias; admittance to a heterotopia is conditional—it may require permission or rituals of purification; finally, heterotopias are related to the space and society in which they exist, either creating an illusion or functioning as compensatory (Foucault, 1984, 179-84). Brothels are mentioned as an example of an illusory heterotopia, whereas Muslim baths illustrate the fifth principle of conditional admittance.

Drawing upon Foucault’s examples of hammams, brothels, and menstruating women I demonstrate how the so-called “crisis heterotopias” of seclusion and exclusion provide an alternative space in which marginalized groups can re-configure the meaning of their exclusion and develop relationships of solidarity.

Using contemporary literature and scholarship I demonstrate how these “other places” of exclusion and seclusion can actually provide spaces for women to establish relationships that lead to political solidarity and empowerment. In these cases, the segregation of women in a separate space ironically allows them to bond and contest the patriarchal relations of power that segregated them in the first place. Finally, as a counterpoint to the restriction and control of women’s reproductive capacities discussed previously, I discuss a current example of feminist resistance to reproductive policies that exemplifies many of the features of Foucault’s heterotopia.

In her popular book, The Red Tent, Anita Diamant portrays the lives of those in the Old Testament through the eyes of female characters. The focal point of the narrative is the red tent—the space to which menstruating women are exiled for the duration of their monthly cycle, and where women attend to other women giving birth. From an outside perspective, being confined for part of each month may appear wholly negative. However, within the confines of the red tent women form friendships and bonds of solidarity. These relationships last beyond their period of seclusion and ultimately lead to an overthrow of patriarchal power when they challenge the male head of family’s decision not to move from arid land. The time spent in seclusion provides both the time and space to develop relationships among the women that precipitate a change in political and social power, the emergence of women leaders, and a (slightly) more egalitarian social structure. Thus, a “crisis heterotopia” also functions as a space of feminist resistance.

From the historical fiction of Anita Diamant to the hysterical fictional account of a brothel in Tom Robbins’ novel Even Cowgirls Get the Blues, heterotopias function as spaces of feminist resistance. Even Cowgirls Get the Blues describes a brothel called the Rubber Rose Ranch where the primary relationships—friendship, sex, and romance--are between the prostitutes. This firm foundation of female solidarity allows them to revolt, taking over the brothel from the exploitative owner, and running it them selves. Foucault refers to brothels as illusory heterotopias, “…the heterotopias have the role of creating a space of illusion that denounces all real space, all real emplacements within which human life is portioned off, as being even more illusory. Perhaps it is this role that was played for long time by the famous brothels which we are now deprived of” (Foucault, 184,1984). The Rubber Rose Ranch shows how the brothel, whose primary purpose is to showcase and contain women for men’s pleasure and entertainment, can create an alternative space controlled by women for their own pleasure.

Foucault mentions Muslim baths (hammams) as an example of a heterotopia; he specifically refers to the rituals of purification and conditional admittance necessary to enter the hammam. The most significant condition of admittance is, of course, gender. Hammams cater to either women or men, or allow them entry on separate days. Like the red tent and the brothel, hammams function as a gender-segregated space that prima facie may perpetuate women’s exclusion and even devaluation. However, as in the other cases, the exclusion and segregation of women fosters relationships of friendship and solidarity that extend beyond the temporary space and time of seclusion. Outside the confines of the tent, the brothel, and the hammam the relationships fostered among women in those heterotopias often provides the necessary collective power to transform oppressive social relationships. For example, in a study of Moroccan hammams Said Graiouid found that: “Women's hammam provides an excellent example of an informal form of association and co-mingling.[ …] the hammam ritual performance has its own norms[… ]what is specific to the hammam performance is the collective spirit it generates.”(Graiouid 2004). Moreover, in a recent study of a Turkish hammam Elif Ekin Aksit found that women’s experiences in the hammam carry over to their experiences in the city once they leave:

"Women's quarters in the historical hammam have had an ongoing impact on women's public lives…[the hammam is] a changing space where women negotiate their status, social positions and safety in an urban environment[… ]these challenges contribute to the daily usage of the city by women as well as to how they negotiate the historical hammam." (Askit, 2011)

Notably, these heterotopias provide a space for the subaltern to speak, and this ability to speak and be heard, and to form bonds of friendship and solidarity can result in a reversal of power relations. Because subjectivity is formed within power relations and through discourses these heterotopias hold the possibility for re-imagining subjectivity.

My final example brings us back to the restriction and control of women’s sexuality through laws and polices as detailed earlier. In 2012 a Dutch ship anchored off the coast of Morocco to provide reproductive services, including abortion, to Moroccan women. According to Foucault, “The sailing vessel is the heterotopia par excellence.” (Foucault 1984, 185) Founded in 1999, the Dutch organization Women on Waves travels to raise awareness about women’s reproductive issues; one of its aims is to spread information about safe abortions induced by medication. The ship brings medical professionals from the Netherlands to countries that do not permit abortion in order to make it available to women who otherwise do not have access to it. Currently, abortion is illegal in Morocco except in cases where the mother’s life is in danger; it is also illegal to provide information about abortion. However, the legality of abortion in Morocco is an internally contested issue. “Women on Waves” was invited by a Moroccan women’s organization that is seeking to legalize abortion. When the Dutch ship attempted to dock in the Smir harbor it was met by protests from Moroccan women. However, there are at least two local Moroccan organizations attempting to change the law to legalize abortion,

Alternative Movement for Individual Freedoms (MALI) and the Moroccan Association Against Clandestine Abortion. Stigmas attached to abortion and premarital pregnancy mean that hundreds of single mothers either abandon their children or give them up for adoption. Moreover, in spite of the severe penalty for having an abortion, up to twenty years in prison, it is estimated that between 600-800 abortions take place in Morocco everyday. The Moroccan Association Against Clandestine Abortion claims that legislation on abortion does not reflect the social realities in the country and the number of unsafe abortions shows the need for a political commitment to legal reform.

In the midst of this contested space around reproductive policy and law, the Women on Waves ship offers an alternative space providing accessible reproductive services to Moroccan women. As Foucault states in his lecture Different Spaces:

[“…]the ship is a piece of floating space, a placeless place, that lives by its own devices, that is self-enclosed and, at the same time, delivered over to the boundless expanse of the ocean…you see why for our civilization the ship has been…the greatest reservoir of imagination.” (Foucault, 1984, 184-5)

The Women on Waves ship quintessentially embodies feminist resistance as heterotopia. It provides an alternative and mobile space where women can access reproductive services unavailable in their home country; previous trips include Ireland, Poland, and Spain. International waters provide a “different space” or heterotopia where the laws of the nearest country do not apply and women’s reproductive choices are not constrained by their place of residence. The Women on Waves ship is a geo-space, localizable, but outside all national contexts. It stands outside the “laws of the land” and echoes the rallying cry of reproductive rights activists in the United States, “ Keep your laws off my body!” Entrance to the ship is conditional, and requires permission. The ship has a specific operation with regard to society, and one could argue that it is a compensatory heterotopia, compensating for a lack of services or information within the countries it visits. Also, the ship brings together disparate elements in a single space—activists, medical professionals, the crew of the ship, and women seeking reproductive services or information. Moreover, this space of feminist resistance offers an alternative discursive framework in which new forms of subjectivity may emerge.

As I have argued, heterotopic spaces exist outside of “normal space” and offer an alternative framework in which to engage in practices of freedom not possible in normal space, thus providing an open space in which to re-configure and re-imagine subjectivity. In this way, heterotopic spaces can also function as spaces of feminist resistance.

References

Aksit, Elif Ekin. “The women’s quarters in the historical hammam.” In Gender, Place & Culture: A Journal of Feminist Geography, Vol. 18:2, 277-293.

Bartky, S. (1990). Femininity and domination: Studies in the phenomenology of oppression. New York: Routledge

Bordo, S. (1993). Unbearable weight: Feminism, western culture and the body. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Butler, J. (1990). Gender trouble: Feminism and the subversion of identity. New York: Routledge.

Butler, J. (1993). Bodies that matter. New York: Routledge.

Butler, J. (2004). Undoing gender. New York: Routledge.

der Spiegel International (5/11/07) (http://www.spiegel.de/international/europe/0,1518,48248,00.html accessed 6/17/11)

Diamant, Anita. The Red Tent, New York: Picador, 1997, reprinted 2007.

“Dutch abortion ship: Women on Waves Boat Heads for Morocco” in

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2012/10/04/dutch-abortion-ship-morocco_n_1939273.html

Ehrenreich, B. & Hochschild, A. (Eds.). (2002). Global woman: Nannies, maids and sex workers in the new economy. New York: Metropolitan Books.

Ferguson, A. (1986). Motherhood and sexuality: Some feminist questions. In Ann Ferguson (Ed.) Hypatia special issue: motherhood and sexuality, 1 (2), 3-22.

Foucault, M. (1970). The Order of Things. New York: Random House.

Foucault, M. (1979). Interview with Lucette Finas. In M. Morris & P. Patton (Eds.) Michel Foucault: Power, truth, and strategy. Sydney: Feral Publications.

Foucault, M. (1980). The history of sexuality: Volume 1 an introduction. R. Hurley (Trans.). New York: Vintage Books.

Foucault, M. (1980). Two lectures. In C. Gordon, (Ed.). Power/Knowledge: Selected interviews and other writings 1972-1977. New York: Pantheon.

Foucault, M. (1982). The subject and power. In H. Dreyfus & P. Rabinow, Beyond structuralism and hermeneutics. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Foucault, M. (1984) “Different Spaces.” In Architecture, Mouvement, Continuitie 5 October, 46-49. Reprinted in Essential Works of Foucault 1954-1984, Vol. 2: Aesthetics, Method and Epistemology, 175-185.

Foucault, M. (1985). Final interview. In Raritan, 5:1, 1-13. T. Levin and I. Lorenz, (Trans.).

Foucault, M. (1991). Governmentality. In G. Burchell, C. Gordon, & P. Miller (Eds.) The Foucault effect: Studies in governmentality, 87-104. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.

Foucault, M. (1994). Dits et écrits, vol. 2. D. Defert & F. Ewald, (Eds.). Paris: Editions Gallimard.

Foucault, M. (1997). The ethics of the concern for self as a practice of freedom. In P. Rabinow, (Ed.). The Essential Works of Foucault, vol. 1: Ethics, subjectivity and truth. (pp. 281-301). New York: New Press.

Foucault, M. (2007). Security, territory and population: Lectures at the College de France 1977-1978. M. Senellart, (Ed. ). G. Burchell, (Trans.). New York: Palgrave McMillan.

Fuentes, A. & Ehrenreich, B. (1983). Women in the global factory. Boston: South End Press.

Graiouid, Said. “Communication and the social production of space: the hammam, the public sphere and Moroccan women.” In The Journal of North African Studies, Vol. 9:1, 2004, 104-130.

Kabeer, N. (2000). The power to choose. London: Verso.

McLaren, M. (2002). Feminism, Foucault and embodied subjectivity. Albany: State University of New York Press.

“Morocco blocks Dutch ‘abortion’ ship

http://worldnews.nbcnews.com/_news/2012/10/04/14228225-morocco-blocks-dutch-abortion-ship?lite

OSCE (Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe). (2009). A summary of challenges on addressing human trafficking for labour exploitation in the agricultural sector in the OSCE region. 3rd Occasional Paper, From Report by the Office of the Special Representative and Co-ordinator for Combatting Trafficking in Human Beings.

Rich, A. (1984). Notes towards a politics of location. In A. Rich. Blood, bread and poetry: Selected prose 1979-1985. London: Little Brown & Co.

Robbins, Tom. Even Cowgirls Get the Blues. New York: Houghton-Mifflin 1976.

Thomas, N. B. (2009). Female temporary circular migration and rights protection in the strawberry sector in Huelva, Spain. Bangkok: Global Alliance Against Traffic in Women (GAATW). www.gaatw.org.

Voela, A. 92011) Heterotopia revisited: Foucault and Lacan on feminine subjectivity. In Subjectivity, 4:2, 168-182.

Zeneidi, D. (2011). Circular migration and misrecognition. In justice spatial/spatial justice, 1-19. Trans. M. Mauthner & C. Hancock. www.jssj.org.

Biography

Margaret A. McLaren received her M.A. and Ph. D. in philosophy from Northwestern University. Since 1992 she has taught Philosophy, and Sexuality, Women’s and Gender Studies at Rollins College where she holds the George D. and Harriet W. Cornell Chair of Philosophy. She is the author of Feminism, Foucault, and Embodied Subjectivity (2002, State University of New York Press). Her articles on gender issues, women and human rights, multiculturalism, Foucault, feminism, and virtue ethics have appeared in several journals, including Social Theory and Practice, Journal of Developing Societies, Forum on Public Policy, Philosophy Today, and Hypatia, and book anthologies including, The Cambridge Foucault Lexicon, Feminism and the Final Foucault, Feminists Doing Ethics, Florida Without Borders: Women at the Intersections of the Local and Global, and Gender & Globalization: Patterns of Women’s Resistance.

labrys, études féministes/ estudos feministas
janvier / juin 2015 -janeiro/juin 2015