labrys, études féministes/ estudos feministas
julho/dezembro 2015 - juillet/décembre

Poor women were closely involved with this movement as they realized the excavation of Bauxite mine would completely destroy their very source of livelihood, living, water, shelter, health etc. They formed committees, staged demonstrations, rallies hands in hand with their male comrades. They were conscious of the environmental and perennial worth of water, jungle, earth and herbal medicine. Vast section of middle class people including women and widows etc. joined this movement as the religious and cultural sanctity of Gandhamardan was threatened. This social movement received support from different section of academicians of the country. Political parties (non-ruling &non-congress) of the state also supported this issue. All these forces in the confluence heightened the prestige of the movement and thus the pressure from below compelled State Government to cancel the 'patta' (right to possession) in 1989 which was leased out to BALCO for one hundred years and thus  general people gained the victory. Chipko movement and silent valley questions prepared a background for it.

For the first time after independence without the leadership of any political party; awakening of the self consciousness of oppressed men and women could bring down the oppressive socio-political apparatus of the state. Women were co-rebels of man; their activism stunned the state and society. Simple women of the forest were aware of the critical aspect of political economy of their place which was going to destabilize their life, families and communities altogether. The understanding of the stark realties of their very vital question of life reflects their heightened state of consciousness. By that time in Odisha, there were neither any feminist academic initiatives nor independent active forum which helped them structuring their consciousness. We cannot term women's mass action in BALCO movement as independent women's movement; but the wide ranging demands i.e., rights over earth, jungle, water, air and herbal medicine etc. concerned the women folk more than men. The question of ecology did not touch the people  at initial phase,but they were sufficiently aware of the hazardous environment impact of  Bauxite excavation in and around the area. In the history of Odisha these were new experiences and the movement can be connected as part of eco-movement  where women played a vital and active part for the protection of natural resources. Let us now see how Eco feminism is really looking at the dominant world view and structures it has created which have been driven by the convergence of capitalism and patriarchy, and looking at it from the point of view of nature and women. This is for a number of reasons, first because the oppression of nature and women served the building of this paradigm; nature was defined as a woman and both were then defined into objectification and therefore into objects of violence. Eco feminism is a celebration of the creativity of nature and the creativity of women and it is basically in a way waking us up to see the illusion that capital creates (POD Academy Channel:2014)¹⁴.

Baiiapal Movement

In the same decade towards 1985 'Ghati Hatao' movement was initiated in Baiiapal of Balasore district in Odisha, protesting against the installation of missile test range. The proposed project was about to displace the poor people of the area. And people’s protest has become a natural outcome of this sudden project in Bhogarai area of Baliapal. The missile test range project at Baliapal aimed at proliferating the defense market of the country at the cost of displacement of thousands of people from their lives and livelihood.

Thousands of men and women from fishing community, peasantry and wage laborer class fought the struggle violently against the state power. Of course the big farmers, businessmen and middle class cultivators also formed a part of this involvement as they were going to lose their vast land of 'Solaspantha', fertile land at the bank of Subarnarekha river and also the ‘Pana Barajas’ (battle vine). Leadership ultimately came to the upper class people of the area. Women's role was much radical in this movement in comparison to Gandhamardan movement. They decided not to leave their soil till death. At the approach of the project they felt fish out of water unlike males. They led almost all demonstrations, Gherao, confrontation, black day and faced bullets. Under the leadership of Sri Gananatha Patra and Rama Choudhury not less than 60 to 70 thousand people protested against the political party, police and bureaucracy. Academicians from Havard University and from many parts of India came to study the movement and were amazed to observe the leading role of women. These women were coming from poorer section mostly illiterate and some were having low level of education but rich with moral strength.

In comparison to richer section, lower class was more violent; shed their tears, blood for the betterment of society. Women expressed their greater power of tolerance and sacrifice which prepared them as vanguard of the movement. They were united by themselves under the leadership of both men and women. Every action was depending upon the democratic decision of the committee consisting of eleven leading men and women. Along with the issue of ‘Ghati hatao’ women raised their voice against male harassment and liquor shops in the later days. Women of cultivator's caste were more united than the upper caste and they  confronted the  attack  from  the opposition  at the barricade near the entrance gate of Ghati . It is reported that women  were willing to die for their mother earth  before they could see the death of their husbands, as they were apprehensive of the physical attack from the opposition.

In this movement women formed an independent forum called 'Nari Jagaran Samiti, Baliapal' to sustain the movement in later period. Along with the common call to protect soil, households, agriculture, streams, sand, beetle-nut cultivation, coconut and cashew orchards and beetle leaf plantation, there were also gender specific issues such as 'Peace not violence' and protection from the vulnerability of displacement etc. Women comrades such as Chhabi Mohanty of S.U.C.I, CPML and ‘Pragatisila Nari Anusthan’ have joined in this movement(http://www.culturalsurvival.org).¹⁵ Lessons from Baliapala movement forecast that in future women of backward caste and lower class can be mobilized independently with the help of requisite leadership with both Marxist and Eco-feminist perspective.

Gopalpur Movement

Gopalpur protest movement was primarily directed against the construction of steel plant. It was considered contrary to the trend of time which witnessed the dismantling of such plants in many technological environments. It was to be constructed by displacing people from their traditionally inhabited area without giving them adequate opportunities of livelihood which was economically viable and ecologically sustainable. Along with it comes women's question of 'de-nesting' them from the womb of their natural environment. It was indeed alarming and frightening to abort the bounty of nature which was enriched with vegetation and fruits, vegetables, medicinal plants and many other cash crops on which 25,000 people of 25 revenue villages depended, having not less than 9,247 acres of most fertile lands of Ganjam district(Gopalpur Brata: 1996)¹⁶. Women of this area were much close to their land and its remunerative production. Nature was providing them their livelihood, and was able to sustain the economy of their families. Women felt much rooted out than men due to their nature of 'nesting' which was in one sense a reality of self-sustaining economy and in other sense reflected their closeness in preserving the balance of eco-system. To quote Bandana Shiva "it is against this world wide phenomenon that one is pained and agonized to see the efforts of the Government of Orissa to construct a 100 percent export oriented steel plant in Gopalpur area which will bring about imbalances in its natural and self-sustaining economy and spell disasters to people's lives, to its environment, bio-diversity and agriculture” (Shiva V. & Jafri, A.H:1998)¹⁷. It is important to clarify here that eco-friendly movements of Orissa are different to all such movements all around the globe. Because, these are not originated from the very consciousness about protection of environment as such, rather, these popular movements were rooted within the debate of their survival economy. No doubt ultimately they had their positive implications within the demand of preservation of eco-system. Women both now, and in the past, have been involved in these struggles which have not only been about women's needs as women, but contained much more analyzed political, economic and environment issues.

To protect their birth place, their agricultural land and environment from the threat of destruction by TATA Steel 25,000 men and women have been protesting against the state government's decision to hand-over their lands and homes to TATA without their consent. Their slogans were, "We shall rather die than leave our place of birth, and we shall give our blood and life but shall not leave our land". On 7^th August 1995 the Gana Sangram Samiti (GSS) was formed to resist the entry of any government or the steel plant officials into the proposed plant site. The GSS had an executive body of 11 members and a council of 70 members representing 25 villages (Swabhimana :1998)¹⁸. A prolonged and continuous fight of 19 months in 1995-96 brought about some success by resisting the entry of any official into the area (Swabhimana :1998)¹⁹. This led to several sporadic clashes between police and the villagers. The women and children were badly injured when the protest took its momentum in August 1996; six platoons of armed police (about 6000 women) were deployed by state that used all means to harass the peaceful protest by the people. During this reign of terror two women B. Laxamma (Badaputti village) and S. Iramma (Laxmipur village) were severely injured and died. The Chairman of GSS, Mr. N. Narayan Reddy was booked under NSA and he was jailed twice along with 60 more people (Voice Gopalpur :1996)²⁰. The atrocities on behalf of state on the people of these 25 villages forced them to be united and they were clearer in their view points, objectives and specific demands concerning to their lives.

The GSS was very clear in its opposition to the steel plant that the main issues were not environment vs. development but extinction vs. survival. Very forcefully they inscribed on the protest pillar that "Water, land and environment belongs to us and none else have rights over them (Gopalpur Paribesa Surakhya Mancha:1996)"²¹. They understood the essence of eco-feminism that Earth care has to become the biggest work that we engage in and a byproduct of Earth care is all the human needs we do. In all these clashes with police, women were always on the forefront. They were always the first to face the police baton for the cause of their land and environment even at the cost of their lives. Of course women constituted a significant element among displaced population and its impact was significant element among displaced population and its impact was significant on them than that of general populace.

Women's participation with men in combined popular movement of Gopalpur protest has involved historically a struggle on two fronts (Pathkar, M. :1998)²². Within the Gopalpur protest movement leadership was never given to women in fore front. No doubt the women from 25 villages had formed a 'Narisena' (ladies army) and Mrs. Kamala Lata Sahu of Chamakhandi village, was its President who once said that "Narisena was prepared to use lathis (sticks) against any intruder who endeavored to take over their homes( PUDR :1997)"²³. Women's collective actions in this struggle was used as a support base; but no doubt they were given a subordinate space in spite of their militancy and equal social base as that of men in that area. Political organization had never taken this essentiality of women's vision and feminist theoretical questioning as a part of boarder redefinition of human social emancipation. Women's participation in Gopalpur protest movement opens up the possibility of imagining how the purpose of politics might change by taking on women's militancy, needs and desires. So by placing feminism alongside other forms of women's social protest and viewing both within an historical context, it become possible to show various groups of women have tried to change their circumstances and how they have fared. It can be said though the ownership and control of peoples traditional source of sustenance has been snatched systematically for the sake of development; but Gopalpur  protest movement has been able to develop daring assertive qualities in general and conviction and leadership qualities in particular among women. Gopalpur protest movement is not an indigenous women movement but it provides hints and clues for a new political paradigm where it may be more important to get included or to put specific needs forward.

Kashipur Movement

Kashipur movement has been discussed as an interface between globalization, feminization of poverty and structuring of violence against women thereof and an attempt has been made to contextualize the voices of women in the Kashipur people's movement against Alumina project. International capital started trickling to Kashipur soil to excavate mines without any consultation with son or daughter of the soil. They claimed so as they were the primitive inhabitants of those jungles and hills. These so called development projects not only injured them but also became vulnerable to their survival. Here is a case of installation of globalised economy where national boundaries are becoming porous by giving a state sanction. Public policies are increasingly shaped to accord with external interests . The state has given a freehand to start various projects like 'Utkal Alumina', 'Aditya Birla' and 'L&T' Projects in the tribal hinterland of Kashipur area in Rayagada district.

Community needs of these tribes like their right over land, water, 'Mahula' and fire woods were overlooked. The very sources of livelihood questions were never raised by development planners. 'Jhodia Parajas', the indigenous tribal have strongly protested against those companies since 1993. Both men and women have struggled a lot; at each phase of company initiative to protect their community need which was the sustaining source of their livelihood. People were united against Alumina Project in Kucheipadar, whereas the fight in Sunger was in opposition to L&T project and in Laxmipur they struggled against Aditya Birla Project. Just like a snow ball the movement gathered its momentum both in depth and width from 'Kucheipadar to Maikancha (Das, B.N:2001) ^'24. In these last eight years of struggle women have experienced the globalization impact differently than men at Kashipur.

The organization 'Prakrutika Sampada Surakhya Samiti' was the nodal organization behind all other local organizations which were fighting for the needs of tribal. Women along with men and at times hundreds of women have led their rightful assertion, staged demonstration, protest and agitation against company forces, political agents, goondas and police force. They have faced 'lathis', bullets; at times their modesty was outraged which they had to tolerate but not without being violent. Nobody can forget the sacrifice of the life of simple tribal such as Avilasha Jhodia of Maikancha, Bajri Jhodia and Raghunath Jhodia of Jaurdhar as a cost of their soil In the beginning women of Kucheipadar had taken up struggle as the leaders. Among others Lachhama and Prema were leading the protest. Gomati and Sumani have also protested against company's survey work and were organizing women folk of the area (Das. Vidya, :2007)²⁵. Women faced horrors like ‘lathi charge’, got hurt and injured. The struggle has taught the state and corporate world that tribal people cannot be wished away, they must be given a due hearing. They organized themselves and made their fellow people conscious on the livelihood issues and the forthcoming dangers due to multinationals' investment in these hill lands. Thus from Kucheipadar it did spread like a wildfire to Kolkhunti, Sunger, Banteji, Sarumba, Aligana etc(Das, B.N:2001) ²⁶. At initial stage of the movement the strength of the tribal, though was not that strong; still, the survey work of company was protested. In next phase, the land grabbing was prohibited.

Women along with their male comrades fought the struggle as common Socialist-feminists issues against patriarchal forces. Socialist-feminist starts where most feminists begin: the emancipation of women must come from women ourselves, but cannot be achieved by ourselves. From this starting point, socialist-feminists are especially interested in building inclusive movements organized by and for working class, indigenous, and rural women( Johanna Brenner:2013).²⁷ Apart from the tribal involvement in the movement from its origin; many activists and NGOs also joined their hands. They made them aware of the genuineness of the Fifth Schedule of the Constitution relating to land grabbing in scheduled areas. Though this issue was protested at one village but soon after the movement became furious in all other villages also.

Another face of the struggle is still hidden and half revealed and not well fought out. These are violations of women's human rights in these areas of developmental projects. With the onset of these mining projects, tribal girls and women have become victims of sexual appetite of the company invaders. In many of the villages, young girls were attempted for rape at lonely roads, jungle and streams. In this process of victimization some girls like Mulabati and Harabati were kidnapped. Some young tribal men were also taken away by company people to far off places. Women have come back with children on their shoulder being deserted and sexually exploited by those outsiders ('dikus'). Kalabati of Lakris and Karam Dei  of Laja Khamana have become the victims of attempt to rape. Company Invaders became the source of violence   against   women.   Some   women   like   Harabati Nayak of Sarabagigan, ‘Dhangidi’ kuni Majhi and others have taken up servitude and were also forced for sexual servitude of company officers.We can locate the source of these violence against women in the combined work of Bandana Shiva (Staying Alive) and Maria Mies (Capitalism on a World Scale ) they stressed  violence against the Earth, the roots of violence against women and, she added, the violence against every other, had the same roots. And the roots are wanting to create an empire, to dominate, experiencing power as domination, and in its final expression power as extermination. Mussolini said very clearly ‘war is the highest expression of human energy and war is to man what maternity is to women.’ That essentialising is what is at the root of all violence (POD Academy Channel:2014)²⁸.

The analysis needs a special attention when women's voices were raised against violence against their race. They have another specific role as far as the struggle against manipulation and destruction of ecosystem in Kashipur jungle and hills are concerned. From time immemorial women are the main food gatherer and eco-preserver in this jungle. Adivasis show an increasing determination to stand up and refuse to be displaced (Felix Padel and Samarendra, 2006).²⁹Their demand against company was always carrying the message for preservation of the forest, water and natural resources. As a result of loss of the Common Property Resources (CPR) and the rest of their livelihood on which their status depended, tribal women are forced to remain at home to look after the household without any productive work outside Walter Fernandes, ³⁰.

They argued for a sustainable development by maintaining eco-friendly resources instead of going for a development project for limited person and limited period. On the other hand developmental project’s always perceived as a threat to women's human rights. She loses the freedom of her security. Sexual violence against women is to be understood from the knot of market domination its economic exploitation where women are considered as a sex category (commodity) in terms of capital. This social violence against feminine gender must be questioned from the point of view of their marginalization locating them within caste-class, rural -urban and globalization versus commodity need parameters. These movements could not take  the stature of national character due to lack of broad based feminist movement in India.

Women in all the above movements fought in huge number with full vigor and as conscious fighter. They understood it very much that it is the forth coming capitalist economic structure which is going to destroy their self sufficient nature’s gift. Their level of consciousness reflects the essence of Marxian materialistic interpretation of history. It is their consciousness about the snatching of the resources, livelihood and land which has shaped the struggle. One more question which is linked to feminist struggles is in which way market forces made the women vulnerable? Displaced women are often caught in a double bind. On the one hand, male biases in society help perpetuate gender inequality in terms of unequal resource allocation and distribution and also legitimise the silencing of women’s interests. On the other hand, biases within state institutions, structures and policies dealing with Resettlement and Rehabilitation (R/ R)help perpetuate and exacerbate these inequalities (Mehta ,Lyla :2009)³¹. Orissa Resettlement and Rehabilitation Policy 2006 is a land mark policy in this line which aims at zero displacement(GOO R/R Policy: 2006)³² ;but one can mark many gross reenforcement of gender stereotypes and discrimination against women in it.

While analyzing these movements, one can locate various issues relating to different forms of feminist consciousness, one is linked to rudimentary forms of the economic issues and conflict of interests between corporate and capitalistic class on one side and subaltern displaced class interests on the other side of class struggle .Marxist feminist demands in these struggle does not only confine to economic issues such as cash, land or job compensation. But it has questioned gender specific, cultural issues which has opened the debate between patriarchal norms of economy, society and displacement. At the same time, feminist movement has not only confided within gender issues rather encompassed much broader issues of the society such as displacement, conflict and peace.

Within any protest against displacement both the issues of Marxist feminism and Eco-feminism have always taken importance. The protagonists of the latter school explains the sensitivity of women to preserve and nurture  the nature as an extension of similar activities of women’s maternity and reproduction. To fight for protection of forest and fauna, water and soil etc. is a part of essentialist character of women. Women and nature are viewed as synonym concepts, where as in Marxist sense, women’s consciousness around economic issues as direct producers gain more importance than other issues. Autonomous women’s movements are slow in its pace to link them with the gender perspective of displacement and raise voice independently or along with that of indigenous organizations. NGOs have always co-opted the issues of women’s movement and have hardly  followed them up to the last. Feminist leadership in the state is to be further improved. Women mass base of different political parties are not united on displacement issues rather have become election oriented. Organizational bases are weak and strategies are not clear.  But no doubt protest movements in Odisha have gained momentum only with the co-operation of women’s mass action.

While analyzing in between the lines, one can locate two forms of feminist consciousness; one is  the economic issues of Marxist feminism i.e. the question of survival and livelihood and the other one may be interpreted as sustaining economy, environment, earth, water and forest as Eco-feminist issues. The protagonists of the Eco-feminist school explain the sensitivity of women to preserve the nature and nurture. It may be understood as an extension of women’s similar activities of essentialist character.  To fight for protection of forest,  water and soil may be explained as a part of character of women in terms of self-sustaining economy as a basic feature of Eco-feminism. Women and nature are viewed as synonym concepts.  The first challenge of  Eco-feminist really is the uprooting on millions in the name of development, displacement and the creation of homelessness, [where] what we have really is the world as a homeless society whereas oikos – which means home – is both the root of economy and ecology. So, in the name of economy and taking care of the home we are creating a homelessness which is an absurd enterprise (Vandana Shiva ,POD Academy Channel: 2014)³³.

Biography

Dr.Urmimala Das is presently the Director of Women’s Studies Research Centre, Odisha . She has done her Masters in Political Science from Utkal University and Masters in Women’s Studies from SPMVV University Tirupati. She was an ICSSR Doctoral fellow and done her PhD on “Peasant Movement in Odisha after Independence”  from  G.B.Pant  Institute of Social Sciences, Allahabad. She was awarded Doctoral degree in Political Science from Allahabad University. She is an academician cum activist in women studies. She is teaching Women Studies toM.Phil and Ph.D scholars and doing research in the gender line for last 25 years. To her credit she has produced a number of M.Phil and Ph.D scholars in Women Studies. She is  a resource person, evaluator and trainer  for Government and NGOs in India .She has attended ,coordinated and organised many national and state level seminars and conferences on various issues relating to women and gender. She has published her research articles in many national and international journals and books.

REFERENCES

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2-      See the Report on India by Internal Displacement Monitoring centre of UN –office of High Commissioner on Human Rights at http;//wwww-ohchar.org/English/bodies/ceser/does/info-4gos/IDMC2 India 40 pdf- last visited on 11.11.2008.

3-      Pandey, B.,(1998)  “ Displaced Development” : Impact of Open Cast mining, Friendrich Ebert Stiftung ,New Delhi. P-4

4-      Colson, E.1999,En endering thoseUprooted by Development ,inD.Indira(ed) Engendering Forced Migration:Theory and Practice.Oxford:RefugeeStudiesProgram.

5-      Boserup, E. 1970. Women’s Role in Economic Development. New York: St Martins Press.

6-      Elson, D. 1998. ‘Talking to the boys: gender and economic growth models’ in Jackson, C. and Pearson R. (eds.) Feminist Visions of Development: Gender Analysis and Policy. Routledge: London,

7-      Kabeer, N. 1994. Reversed Realities. Gender Hierarchies in Development Thought. London: Verso.

8-      Hemadri,R.H,Mander and Nagaraj,2000,Dams,Displacemnt policy Law in India, available on line  at http:www,dams.org (accessed in july 2006).

9-      Kothari,1997,Whose Independence? The social Intract of Economic Reform in India,Journal of International Affairs,51(1):85-116.

10-  Pandey, Balaji (1998), “Depriving  the under privileged for Development”, Institute  for Socio-Economic Development, Bhubaneswar,Orissa, quoted in Shiva,Vandana, (2001) Corporate Hijack of Land P- 188  . Pub-Navdanya,New Delhi. 

11-  Sansristi,2007-08,Development Induced Displacement and Women:A Case Study of Orissa,India,Bhubaneswar,p-20.

12-  Hobsbawm, E&T, Ranger (1983) (eds) : The intervention of tradition, Cambridge, UK.

13-  Shiva, Vandana (1993), ‘Monoculture of Mind: Biodiversity and the third world’, third world network, Malaysia,EPW, ibid, p – 5247.

14-  POD Academy Channel: Posted on: November 16, 2014, 

Humanities and Social Sciences, Science and Environment Tags: Ecofeminism, Ecology, Feminism, Vandana Shiva talks to Lucy Bradley.

15-  “Baliapal-Bhograi, India: Theatre of War, Theatre of Displacement”, Published on Cultural Survival (http://www.culturalsurvival.org)

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22-  Pathkar, M. et al., NAPM Bulletin, vol. 1-2, No. 9, March 14, 1998, New Delhi.

23-  PUDR Report on Gopalpur Steel Project, Displacement and Struggle   (in Odia), Published by PUDR & APDR, West Bengal, 1997.

24-  Das, B.N.,    'Kucheipadara   Ru'   Maikancha', CHDS Communication, Bhubaneswar, 2001.

25-  Das. Vidya, quoted from her speech in Eastern Region Conference on “Globalisation, women’s identity and rising violence against women” (within the Orissa context), organised by SWS, Utkal University and IAWS, 13^th and 14^th March, 2007.

26-  Das,B.N,ibid.

27-  Johanna Brenner, “Socialist Feminism in the 21st Century”,SOLIDARITY NEWS, Brenner, Johanna and Holmstrom Nancy, 2013, “Socialist-Feminist Strategy Today,”Socialist Register, Volume 49.

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29-  By Felix Padel and Samarendra Das for the SAAG 2006,anthropology of a genocide: tribal movements in central india against over-industrialisation Accessed on 26 ‎July ‎2014, ‏‎14:28:13.

30-  Walter Fernandes, DEVELOPMENT INDUCED DISPLACEMENT: IMPACT ON TRIBAL WOMEN, Published in: Georg Pfeiffer and Deepak Kumar Behera (eds). Contemporary Society: Tribal Studies Volume 6: Tribal Situation in India. New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company, pp. 70-85.

31-  . Mehta ,Lyla , (2009) “  Displaced by Development” Confronting Marginalisation and Gender Injustice”, Sage Pubs, London .

32-  Orissa Resettlement and Rehabilitation Policy 2006,Govt. Of Orissa,Revenue Department,Bhubaneswar

33-  Vandana Shiva talks to Lucy Bradley, 2014,ibid.

labrys, études féministes/ estudos feministas
julho/dezembro 2015 - juillet/décembre